Marion Price
Dolours Price
Gerry Kelly
Hugh Feeney
Hunger Strike lasted until 8 June, 1974
213 days - 166 force fed
Brixton Prison, England
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| In March, 1973, a group of IRA volunteers were arrested and convicted of a series of car bombs in England, including the Old Bailey and sent to Brixton Jail, "the jail that held MacSwiney". They immediately demanded to be transferred to an Irish jail and went on hunger strike to achieve that demand. The Home Office instructed the prison authorities to force feed the four strikers, the Price sisters plus fellow 'car bombers' Hugh Feeney and Gerry Kelly. As a result of this inhumane practice their suffering went on much longer than those whose strike was allowed to go on. They lasted for 213, including 166 days on which they were force fed using tubes forced into the stomach to pour a sticky protein paste into them while they were forcibly held down. This being done by doctors, because of the risk of death if it is incorrectly done - as happened often enough. A curious application of a profession usually associated with the relief of pain. On June 15th, 1974 they called off their strike having been told their demands would be met, although it took until March 18th, 1975 before they were finally moved to Armagh Gaol. They were released from there, having served their sentences, in April, 1980, not long before the hunger strike of three other women in Armagh Jail. |
| was born and educated in Belfast. He joined the IRA in 1973 and the following year, together with Marian and Delores Price and Hugh Feeney , was charged with causing explosions and conspiracy to cause explosions in England. He was tried at the Old Bailey and received two life sentences plus twenty years. Kelly and the others immediately commenced a hunger-strike for repatriation to a gaol in Northern Ireland. After 205 days, during which time Kelly was violently force-fed 170 times, the British government conceded to his demand and he was transferred to Long Kesh in April, 1975.
In Long Kesh Kelly went 'on the Blanket' and made attempts to escape in 1977 and 1982. In 1983 he, together with thirty-seven others republican prisoners, escaped from Long Kesh, in what was the largest prison break-out in Europe since the Second World War.
In 1986 Kelly and Brendan MacFarlane were arrested in Holland and extradited to the United Kingdom. Kelly was imprisoned in Long Kesh until 1989. After his release he participated in the peace negotiations and is a member of the Sinn Féin Ard Comhairle. Kelly published a collection of poetry Words from A Cell (1989) composed in several prisons. This extract is from Kelly's submission to the Dutch Courts against his extradition in 1986.©
At the end of 1975 the British Government formulated a political policy which they hoped would strengthen their grip on North East Ireland and defeat the Republican Movement. This policy became known as the 'Ulsterisation' Programme. It had three main components: Ulsterisation, Depoliticisation and Criminalisation.
'Ulsterisation' was taken almost directly from the American policy of 'Vietnamisation'. In essence the British Government were afraid of the Anti-War Movement in America which was a strong factor in the American withdrawal in Vietnam. The reasoning being that if the number of casualties among British soldiers serving in Ireland reached an unacceptable level for British public opinion then they might be forced to withdraw under such public pressure.
The government answer to this problem was, as far as possible, to change the 'front line' troops in Ireland from regular soldiers to Ulster Defence regiment soldiers and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (both composed of local loyalists) with the British Army as back-up. The 'official' title for this was the 'Supremacy of the police'. Both the RUC and the UDR were greatly increased in numbers, both being loyalist and sectarian in make-up. However, since they were both local, (ie, from the Six Counties) the British government believed, rightly perhaps, that the British public wouldn't care how many were killed or wounded since the British public were already convinced that the war was simply between two 'crazy' religious groups. A myth that British official propaganda and mass media perpetuate.
'Depoliticisation' was, as it says, to depoliticise or obstensibly remove politics from a very political situation. This was to a great extent the propaganda war. The whole of British propaganda went through a change. It was basically the politics of linguistics. A new series of words were introduced in public statements, pamphlets, interviews. It was soon taken up by the media: 'Godfathers, Mafia, gansters, mindless murders, psychopathic killers, Al Capone style shoot-outs, criminals, gangs, racketeers' etc. If the Brit army, RUC or UDR shot anyone, no matter what age or in what circumstances it was referred to as either an 'accidental shooting', or at worst 'killing'. But if any of the Crown Forces (RUC, UDR and army) were killed then the vocabulary from the criminal world was used. If any of the Crown Forces was killed, a run-down of age, marital status and relatives and children was included in statements, but this seldom happened for republicans killed. There was a concerted attempt to link the Irish Republican Army with international terrorism.
Because there was a number of very small groups in Europe carrying out bombings, who had no support base among ordinary people, the British tried to push the revulsion felt at hi-jacking, etc on the republicans. They had claimed, falsely, all along of course that the Republican Movement was a tiny group without support. This was later shown to the world to be utter nonsense.
The third component part was 'Criminalisation'. This was closely allied to depoliticisation but most particularly involved the republican prisoners. Although at first the British authorities may have believed it to have been the easiest to implement since they could, they thought, break prisoners one at a time as the courts filtered them through. In fact it turned out to be the most publicised and incredible struggle to date between the British government and the Irish Nationalist people. The British authorities arbitrarily chose a date (March 1st, 1976). They said that anyone charged with any offence from that date onwards would be classed a criminal. Political status would be given only to those who committed offenses before March 1st. Besides the paradox that 'criminalisation' was a very political decision on behalf of the British government it caused some bizarre anomalies. Bobby Sands had served a sentence as a political prisoner in the Long Kesh cages. After release he rejoined his IRA unit, was captured on a similar charge and proclaimed a 'criminal'. This was true for many men and women...
The struggle in the H-Blocks became an epic one which started when the first republican prisoner was sentenced for an offence which had occurred after March 1st, 1976. He refused to wear a criminal uniform and went on protest, hundreds followed his example. My comrade, Brendan McFarlane can explain that struggle in much more detail than I, as he was there in the H-Blocks during most of the protest and became commanding officer of the republican prisoners of war. But I will say that the H-Blocks have become infamous, they are a byword for systemised brutality.
In Armagh Jail also many republican women prisoners joined their comrades on protest where they faced humiliation, degradation and beatings for years. Even today constant strip-searching is used in prison to degrade and dehumanise our comrades there. The British government believed that if it concentrated on that section of the Republican Movement which was imprisoned, it could break those prisoners by getting them to accept their own 'criminality', then the struggle for national independence could be portrayed as a 'criminal conspiracy'.
As throughout history they misjudged the commitment of Irish men and women to stand by their beliefs and principles. Ten men were forced to death by hunger-strike because the British colonialists wanted to prove a lie. It wasn't just the lie that political prisoners were 'criminal', the British were trying to prove that the armed struggle of the Irish people against a foreign oppressor was criminal. It was and is an impossible task. You cannot criminalise a population or a race of people.
© Searc's Web Guide 1997-2005 |
| was born in Belfast and educated at St. Joseph's Teacher Training College where he joined People's Democracy. On November 15th, 1973 Feeney, together with eight other Provisional IRA members, including Delores Price and Gerry Kelly , was sentenced to double life plus twenty years imprisonment at Winchester Court for causing explosions at the Old Bailey Court and Great Scotland Yard Police Headquarters in London in March, 1973 in which 216 people were injured. Feeney and Kelly were imprisoned in Winchester Gaol where they refused to wear prison clothes and went 'on the blanket'. They immediately commenced a hunger-strike for political status and their transfer to prison in Northern Ireland. In January, 1974 they also went on thirst strike and were force-fed for almost a year. In November, 1976 Feeney was transferred to Long Kesh and was released in 1986. This extract is from Feeney's pamphlet In The Care of Her Majesty's Prisons (1976) in which he describes the treatment of Irish political prisoners in English gaols in the 1970's.
Sitting in Solitary you are never free from the searches. Searches of you and the cell can be carried out at any time of the day or night. You are ordered out by them when they come to search and are put into a cell identical to the one you have left; a cold damp cell that always has its windows broken. Sometimes the Screws smash the windows deliberately to add to the coldness. Sometimes those in Solitary smash them in frustration or to use the glass slivers to slash their own wrists...
In the cell you have been moved to you have the same mattress base of concrete. In one corner sits a jug of drinking water and in the opposite corner lies a small po to urinate and defecate in. The cell may contain a dirty greasy table which always has one leg shorter than the others. The chair is more often than not a concrete block set in the wall. they search this cell when they take you back to your own. Here you are searched standing on the dirty floor surrounded by Screws. You take off your shirt, your vest, your boots, your socks and the Prison overalls that are dirty and too big for you. In jail they never give you anything that fits.
'Why do you search me?' 'Fuck up.' One of them will tell you it is to ensure that you have no weapons concealed. 'We must protect you.' 'Is tobacco a weapon? Why take it?'
They unbandaged my thumb to see if I was concealing anything in the dressing. They had put on the dressing two hours before the search.
They search your mouth and they search your cheeks with their fingers. The palm of your hands, the soles of your feet and beneath your arms are searched.
Then they spread you over the greasy table, the same as the one next door and while some hold your arms and others your ankles your buttocks are pulled apart and one wearing a rubber glove forces his hand up your rectum.
You are left then to get dressed, left with your anger, your humiliation and helplessness. What they have just done is illegal. They have physically assaulted you. The Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg has ruled that a prisoner should have access to all due processes of the law. An Irish POW has no way of exercising his right from a Solitary Confinement cell or any cell for that matter in an English jail...
When the POW's time in Solitary has ended he is told that he is being put in one of the main Prison wings. If there are other Irish POW's in the Jail he will not be put into the same wing as them. They must be kept apart as much as possible...
In solitary the authorities had justified their treatment of him by saying that it was all part of his punishment. They continue to treat him in this way only now they justify it by saying he is a Category A prisoner. This justification does not stand up to criticism because other Category A prisoners who are non-political are treated much better than he.
However one thing that he does have in common with them is that he is held in a Security Cell. This cell is 7 feet long, 6 feet broad and 8 feet high. The bed frame is cemented into the floor and the door has three bolts instead of one. The red light is turned on at night and those who control the cameras which line the perimeter wall turn them to his cell window at night. Always he is aware of being watched. During the day when he is not in the cell it is searched. He is searched often. He is given one ½ hour exercise a day and it is during this period that they will take him away to be searched. The lost exercise time is seldom given back...
When the POW has a visit he is taken from his cell to a room beside the visits where he is searched. His visitors are also searched and their belongings taken from them, small children are also searched. The prisoner and the visitor enter the room by separate doors on opposite sides of the [glass and steel] partition. All conversations are recorded. The assistant governor and screws who sit behind the visitors watching them also watch the prisoner in case he tries to mouth a message. The visitors are also watched for the same reason from the prisoners side of the partition. If the pitch of the voices should drop the visit is immediately stopped... Clearly the closed visit which Irish POWs have been having over the last three years do not justify the degrading searches which are made on his person after his visit. He is strip-searched and maybe subjected to an internal body search.
Because they are classed as Category A prisoners POWs are never allowed to remain long in one jail. There are exceptions to this rule, but they are exceptions. You are never told when you are being moved and these 'Shanghais' or 'Ghostings' as they are called are deeply resented by all prisoners. Moves are usually made late at night or in the early morning. You are rudely awakened and told to get dressed. Handcuffed, you are led through the sleeping prison wing, past all the cell doors each with its little card pinned to the door telling you the number, then the name of the prisoner, his sentence and his religion; red ones for Catholics, and blue ones for Jews.
Church of England, atheists and all the otherists have white ones. It's like one great big filing system with the subject, or the object as he's called in prison terms, lying sleeping behind the door. The police escort of motor cars and cyclists are already assembled at the main gate and once again you are put in the Category A van. You move off in convoy into the darkness and you can't help but hope that this time you might be moved to an Irish jail. Every signpost that you pass you take a quick glance at it. London may mean Heathrow Airport and 'Home'. Manchester may mean its airport and Home to Long Kesh. Unfortunately these Ghostings for the Irish prisoners mean another Maximum Security jail where he is immediately put in solitary. They always introduce you to the punishment block first and when you eventually reach the main wing the harassment begins again with the same sickening regularity. © Searc's Web Guide 1997-2005
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was born in Derry. She was educated at St. Mary's Teacher Training College, Belfast where she joined People's Democracy. On November 15th, 1973 she, together with eight others, including her sister Marian Price, Hugh Feeney and Gerry Kelly , were sentenced at Winchester Court to life imprisonment plus twenty years on charges of causing explosions at the Old Bailey and Great Scotland Yard Police Station, London on March 8th, 1972.
The Price sisters were imprisoned in Brixton Prison, London where they went on hunger-strike in demand of political status and to be transferred to a gaol in Northern Ireland. They were on hunger-strike for a total of 213 days during which time they were force-fed for 166 days until June 15th, 1974 when the British Government conceded to their demands. On March 18th, 1975 they were moved to Armagh Gaol and were released in April, 1980. This poem was composed while Delours Price was in Brixton Prison.
Moving from Brixton to Winchester
The light has gone out of my existence
No reason left but the great one,
The one that overrides all others,
That takes my whole being
Reserves and demands it.
Still there is a longing for the little ones,
The wave of your hand
That stirs my heart and makes me smile
To think that for me it is there,
The sound of your voice,
That I know from among many
That too is one of the little,
Perhaps it is the little that is great,
The great just is.
And I could say such things to you,
Could tell you of my dreams,
How once there was a little girl
Who danced in the summer streams,
And sat upon a mountain,
And thought that she was God,
Knowing in her innocence,
All wrongs that she must solve.
Then I could show the woman,
Still so much the child
Who needs to hold your hands in hers,
If only for a while.
And would you gladly give yourself
To one who soon may die...
The child upon the mountain,
Looking at the sky.
Knowing the whole world's secrets,
Seeing them at a glance,
And having seen her destiny
Was able still to dance.
© Searc's Web Guide 1997-2005 |
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